‘Class war – but not as we know it’
Review: Long Read (20-30 minutes)
Book: Paperback (240 pages)
Review & Commentary on
‘The New Class War: Saving Democracy from the Metropolitan Elite’ by Michael Lind [1]
‘But now in Christ Jesus you who once were far away have been brought near through the blood of Christ. For he himself is our peace, who has made the two one and has destroyed the barrier, the dividing wall of hostility, by abolishing in his flesh the law with its commandments and regulations. His purpose was to create in himself one new man out of the two, thus making peace, and in this one body to reconcile both of them to God through the cross, by which he put to death their hostility.’[2]
‘Class conflict, born out of asymmetries of power, is a paradigmatic challenge that corrodes a common life over time.[3]’
The phrase ‘class war’ makes me a little nervous: it evokes emotions of divisive connotations of ‘them and us’, violent revolution, negativity and the controversy it can generate. From a Christian perspective it seems antithetical to God’s Kingdom: values of peace, love for all and working for the common good. Class can sometimes evoke notions of ‘us versus them’ rather than the harmonious common life to which Christians are called.
All of the above is true: yet what if by ignoring class issues and the pain and domination people feel we are failing to allow for a biblically rooted response to social fracture? Furthermore, is this failing in our gospel duties and meaning we are living in denial of society’s brokenness? Even worse, if we leave the ‘devil to take the hindmost’ as a society doesn’t that actually generate resentment and conflict?
Is there a vision of a good society - distinct from revolutionary theory and utopian platitudes such as the ‘we are all in this together’ attitude that can address class issues? Can we reflect on class problems – not to exploit them for political ends – but to seek to address them to create a plural society built on empowerment and respect that engenders peace?
Certainly, this is a complex matter, notwithstanding the connotations of conflict, ‘class’ is a contested term. As Christians we cannot support an anthropological account of our meaning and existence that is purely economic and deterministic.
We do need to proceed with discernment.
“Book of the Year”
The US conservative thinker Michael Lind’s book ‘The New Class War’ is short and compelling. Focussed on the experience of the USA (and to some extent Europe) it provides an explanation for the recent rise in populist politics. In short he notes that the rise of a professional, managerial class in the West: liberal, tech-savvy, based in hip, affluent urban areas and more often than not secular has come at the expense of working-class communities in small towns: who have seen manufacturing decline, immigration rise in a manner that has under-cut wages and that this all has the appearance of a ‘class war’. Certainly, when you reflect – and we saw this in the Brexit debate – that the professional overclass does not appear to understand or actually like the values of the working-class it has the appearance of, well… class war.
The government, economics and culture are all foci of a new class war[4]. In all these spheres the working-classes have lost power to a new ‘managerial elite’ and this in turn has causes a ‘populist backlash.’[5]
This is played out in the US and the UK and in some Western European nations. It is not per se the ‘old class war’ of the industrialists versus the working-classes. The new professional managerial class are now dominant and this disenfranchises the working-class in the realm of politics, economics and culture crucially including religion.
Lind is not suggesting the required response is revolution; but an intentional re-balancing of social equilibrium in the name of peace:
“Achieving a genuine class peace in the democracies of the West will require uniting and empowering both native and immigrant workers while restoring genuine decision-making power to the non-university educated majority in all three realms of social power – the economy, politics and culture”[6]
In a short book Michael Lind accounts for the rise of populism and a peaceful solution that is a far cry from uninspiring liberal knee-jerk response of assuming all populists are simply ‘bigots’.
Yet, to build the case for a positive solution we need an honest analysis of the socio-economic dynamics at play.
If we reflect on contemporary issues class has not gone away; there is the impact of the brutal cuts to social security and the ongoing failure to address chronic housing conditions as evidenced by Grenfell highlights this in the most stark and tragic manner. As Owen Jones[7] correctly points out:
‘The Grenfell disaster should have provoked a national debate about Britain’s housing crisis. That it did not is indicative of a macabre hierarchy that everyone knows exists. After all, those most likely to suffer the consequences of Britain’s social crises are the poor and people of colour. They lack an organised voice in society, and people from such backgrounds are woefully underrepresented in both media circles and in parliament, while voter turnout is lower among society’s poorest.’
‘…….. If white, affluent middle-class professionals had lived in the flats that went up in flames, urgent action would have been taken. But Grenfell was not a catalyst for drastic and belated change because its victims were condemned to the bottom of Britain’s hierarchy of human worth. And until a society that assigns different amounts of worth to human life is overcome, such horrors risk only being repeated.’
I remember talking to a Labour MP saying I understood class was an issue but feeling a little squeamish about the matter. He looked at me as If I had lost marbles commenting ‘it is obvious’. ie the UK is characterised by class inequality.
There was a time when such issues could not be discussed. In his speech to the Labour Party Conference in 1999 Tony Blair[8] confidently asserted that ‘the class war is over’, admittedly with the aim of promoting equality and aspiration. Well the old one employers versus employees may be over in one sense but a new one has emerged. As Michael Lind shows previous class conflicts have been addressed, temporarily, not through revolution but through legitimate, orchestrated working-class organisation to achieve an equilibrium in society and some relative peace.
However, that the professional over-class seem densely populating in the US Democrat and Labour Parties throws our perception of ‘class war’ on its head? It is those associated with the parties of the left who have in part being caught up in this new dynamic.
We should consider Lind’s insight: that the UKIPs and Trump’s are not all powered by bigotry but structural forces have been at work and – by and large – working-class communities have felt left behind, misunderstood and left with little economic, educational and cultural capital. Therefore, when the demagogues do their work they are exploiting a situation should not have been allowed to fester. Language of class may make us feel uncomfortable and recoil but if we can reflect on these issues and work for the common good and not be in denial then, against all the odds, a plural society might be constructed. If we don’t the outcome could be scary. The Hunger Games might actually be coming sooner than we think.
The links between the Trump phenomenon and Brexit have been well rehearsed. They were distinct events in distinct nations yet there are structural correlatives at play. Both were electoral disruptions in protest at a seemingly out of touch elite. Both capitalised on a long-term social trend that has been in play perhaps for decades.[9]
Michael Lind details how Donald Trump was able to connect with the alienated working-class who were shut out of political debate:
“Alone among Republican candidates in the 2016 presidential primaries, Donald Trump both denounced the Iraq War as a mistake and opposed cuts to Social Security and Medicare. This combination of views was the exact opposite of the orthodox conservative party line.”[10]
In making this point Michael Lind is not endorsing Trump here but trying to get underneath the bonnet of what happened. I like many people were aghast at the fascistic events at the Capitol Building on 6 January[11]. This should be condemned and rightly was. However, there is a distinction between Trump supporters and the majority of his voters. In November 2020 over 72 million voters backed Trump (an increase of 9 million from 2016).
Are they all crazy, right wing conspiracy theorists? I suspect not.
Equally, just as while some of the Leave campaign messages in the referendum campaign were tasteless that does not mean the millions of people voting to the leave the EU shared those views or motivations.. Simply dismissing the voters backing populist projects betrays a complacent unwillingness to discern what is happening and develop a positive alternative.
Michael Lind seems to understand also where religion plays into this equation, although he looks at religion with a very broad definition. That the professional overclass has a tendency to look down on the religious disposition of the working-classes is telling. The professional managerial class has a tendency to see working-class citizens as bigoted in an ironic and (well, bigoted?) short sighted way.[12]
I am afraid that in recent years the Labour Party has become less amenable to the Christian faith. Deeply tragic when you reflect for a moment on the party’s roots. Labour owes more to Methodism than to Marx, more to Moses then Momentum and more to the Apostle Paul than progress and yet it is sundered from its religious roots.
When you consider the treatment of the former Shadow Minister for Faith for making a comment that appeared to my mind wholly reasonable, it makes one reflect does the Labour Party really have space for orthodox Christians? Labour’s capture by the professional managerial class has left it, at points, averse to public religion.
“Brave & Timely”
This is a crucial point, for religious freedom is the key to human flourishing and Labour should be a party of liberty not liberalism. George Loveless of the Tolpuddle martyrs reminded us that it is liberty that is the watchword of the very movements that birthed Labour.
‘We raise the watchword Liberty, We will, we will, we will be free.’
The denigration of trade unions and marginalisation of Christianity have been two unappealing features of recent years in the UK. In many ways Lind’s analysis has stark lessons for the left here.
As we consider this question it is worth posing the broader existential question: is there a great realignment taking place in politics? Is this a blip or can the Labour and Democrat parties truly prove themselves plural and embrace working-class social conservatism and people of faith and their convictions? If not, maybe over time new parties could emerge. I actually think this is unlikely and would suggest as Michael Lind has argued elsewhere that re alignments take place but within the existing party structures ie like when the US working-class moved their support in part from the Democrat’s to the Republicans under Nixon and Reagan. The reasons may not have been positive but it did occur. [13]
If we are in the midst of a re-alignment, such as the ‘Red Wall’ infers does the Labour Party have the sense and skill to respond appropriately? What will Labour do? When a party has under half of its members based in London and the South-East and 77% of its members belong to the ABC1 social class then radical action is required now.
The question of realignment makes the questions posed by Michael Lind more pertinent and the challenge harder.
So, what is the way ahead? - For Michael Lind, the way forward is not revolution but establishing a more balanced ‘democratic pluralism’. By actually re building trade unions, restoring practices like collective bargaining and allowing space for religious organisations in the civic square can there be greater empowerment for working people. Yet, given the turbulence of recent years the stakes are high.
More importantly, what can Christians do? The gospel is one of reconciliation and this applies to every sphere of life: economic, social and cultural. We can pray, have a mode of peacemaking and an instrinsic belief in a rich, deep equality that means all sections of society are included. I would infer this means in the polity all social classes have a place at the table. This requires action and a political programme that can deliver the necessary transformation: a belief in the politics of the common good that genuinely seeks to resolve conflict by recognising the socio-economic reality of our common life.[14]
Can our civic and political structures model a mode of empowerment and representation that in some way mirrors the Kingdom of God?
There are some signs within the Labour tradition. My undergraduate Thesis looked at the influence of non-conformity on the Labour movement and focussed in particular on Arthur Henderson MP - a Labour MP who rose to become Foreign Secretary after the war. He had a genuine conversion experience as a boy and made his way through the trade unions to Parliament to Cabinet. Known affectionately as ‘Uncle Arthur’ he was key when the Labour Party nearly collapsed in the late 1920s and early 1930s.[15] To date he is the only member of the industrial working class to have led a British political party.[16] His involvement in trade unions saw him place an emphasis upon conciliation rather than dispute. Although you could debate the tactics of such an approach carte blanche I would suggest that ‘jaw, jaw is better than war,war’, backed upon by strong working-class representation. I would submit that we need a few more ‘Uncle Arthurs’.
In fact do we need to reinvent the wheel? It was institutional life, largely religious that provided the British working-class with dignity and agency. Paul Mason has written an excellent article on working class culture, and education. Paul Mason in a Guardian article underlined how historically the church was a powerful social institution which strengthened working class communities.
'Without solidarity and knowledge, we are just scum, is the lesson trade unionism and social democracy taught the working-class kids of the 1960s; and Methodism and Catholicism taught the same.'[17]
We believe not in class war but peace and harmony; we believe in the common life not atomisation and class dominance. Yet this does not mean a disavowal of serious analysis of the inequalities and conflicts already taking place. No one would seriously – I hope – suggest that the path to racial justice does not first take stock of the deep, historical and virulent injustices experienced by African-Americans and Black Britons and the class injustices that also have an impact here! Therefore, to bring about a positive Christian influence on a peaceful and plural society we need to recognise and see what has actually been taking place and its woeful consequences. We are not here to bless the establishment in its changing forms.
If we don’t act and redress this social imbalances Michael Lind suggests the outcome could be awful….
To be precise this needs an intentional and robust Christian approach that engages in these crucial social and political questions, to quote John Milbank:
‘…..I think unless a kind of world Christendom, then the future will be dark beyond our wildest expectations.’[18]
The place of churches, trade unions, housing associations and community organising with a dynamic and constructive role in the public square is vital.
However, this is not enough: these institutions need to be championing a narrative that reflects the religious, cultural, economic and political aspirations of the working-class; in its true diversity. It requires a richer theo-political imagination, informed by the church as polis.[19]
As a friend told me simply: unless you have the gospel you end up with what is grotesque. This is a sensitive topic that requires a gospel lens and a hermeneutic of reconciliation.
It is time for Christians to be involved in all aspects of society and attend thoughtfully and prayerfully to ending the new class war on behalf of those at the sharp end; not through denying the felt reality of class but finding an intentional, creative and peaceful way through division and political, cultural and economic inequality. It is a message that has particular relevance on the left, given its historic mission that seems to have gone off track. Lind’s insights – although focussed ‘across the pond’, have resonance here and are worth some consideration.
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REFERENCES:
[1] Michael Lind, ‘The New Class War: Saving Democracy from the Metropolitan Elite’, (London: Atlantic Books, 2020)
[2] Ephesians 2vv13-16, (NIV)
[3] Luke Bretherton, ‘Christ and the Common Life – Political Theology and the Case for Democracy’ ( Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2019) 202
[4] Ibid.; xiv-xv
[5] Ibid.; xxi
[6] Ibid.;xii-xiii
[7] Owen Jones, ‘The cladding scandal reveals how Britain treats its poorest people’, The Guardian 2 February 2021 - https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/feb/02/cladding-scandal-britain-treats-poorest-people-grenfell-tower
[8] Tony Blair, Leaders Speech, Labour Party Conference Bournemouth 1999, British Political Speech Archive - http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=205
[9] Ibid;. 68
[10] Ibid;. 74-75
[11] See this insightful article by Peter Leithart, condemning the incident but asking serious questions in its roots in a culture war and pagan popular culture - https://theopolisinstitute.com/leithart_post/carnival-in-the-capitol/
[12] See Michael Lind, ‘The New Class War’, 111 for a nuanced distinction between socially conservative dispositions of religious people and genuine bigotry.
[13] See Mark Stricherz , ‘Why the Democrats are Blue: How secular liberals hijacked the people’s party’, (New York: Encounter Books, 2007)
[14] For a rigorous and theologically informed account of class, that takes it seriously yet delineates its limitations while reflecting on how Christian worship might subvert its detrimental impact see Luke Bretherton ‘Communion and Class’ 201-226 in ‘Christ and the Common Life – Political Theology and the Case for Democracy’ ( Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2019)
[15] McKibbin, R. (1978). ‘Arthur Henderson as Labour Leader’, International Review of Social History, 23(1), 79-101. doi:10.1017/S0020859000005708
[16] Ibid., 79
[17] Paul Mason, ‘The problem for poor white kids is that a part of their culture has been destroyed’, The Guardian 4 April 2016, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/apr/04/the-problem-for-poor-white-kids-is-that-a-part-of-their-culture-has-been-destroyed
[18] Interview with John Milbank, Goldsmiths University of London - https://www.gold.ac.uk/faithsunit/current-projects/reimaginingreligion/landmark-interviews/john-milbank/
[19] Stanley Hauerwas, ‘In Good Company – The Church as Polis’, (Notre Dame:Indiana, 1995), 6
